Israel to pay compensation to UN for Gaza attacks
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- Written by Rory McCarthy in Jerusalem Rory McCarthy in Jerusalem
- Published: 07 January 2010 07 January 2010
- Hits: 3820 3820
A fire at the UN building in Gaza City after Israeli strikes
[PHOTO: A woman escaping fire at the UN building in Gaza after Israeli strikes last year. Photograph: Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty Images]
Israel has agreed to pay the UN around $10m in compensation for damage caused to UN buildings in Gaza during last year's war, according to diplomatic sources.
The payout is the first since Israel's heavily criticised three-week war a year ago in which around 1,400 Palestinians and 13 Israelis were killed. It is also thought to be one of the first times Israel has paid the UN any compensation for damage to its facilities in the occupied Palestinian territories.
The UN's Office for Legal Affairs, in New York, has been in negotiations with Israeli officials for months over the payment before Ehud Barak, Israel's defence minister, agreed to pay. In an embarrassment to Israel some of the damage to UN buildings occurred while Ban-Ki Moon, the UN secretary general, was in meetings with Israeli leaders trying to win a halt to the fighting.
However, there is no sign yet that Israel is ready to pay any other compensation over the war or conduct its own independent inquiry, despite repeated allegations that its military committed war crimes.
Immediately after the war the UN commissioned an inquiry into damage to its buildings in Gaza and injuries to its staff. That investigation accused the Israeli military of "negligence or recklessness" in its conduct of the war and said reparations for death and damage should be paid, putting the figure at more than $11m.
The inquiry, led by Ian Martin, a Briton who is a former head of Amnesty International, marked the first major challenge to Israel over its conduct of the war. It found the Israeli military's actions "involved varying degrees of negligence or recklessness" and that the military took "inadequate" precautions towards UN premises and said the deaths of civilians should be investigated under the rules of international humanitarian law.
Israel at the time rejected those findings, even before the summary of the report was made public, saying it was "tendentious" and "patently biased".
However, the allegations were matched by international human rights groups and by a second, broader UN inquiry, commissioned by the UN Human Rights Council, and led by the former South African judge Richard Goldstone, which accused both Israel and Hamas, the Palestinian Islamist group, of war crimes.
One of the most serious incidents involving the UN in Gaza took place on 6 January near a UN boys' prep school in Jabaliya being used as a shelter for hundreds of Palestinians who had fled their homes to escape the fighting. The Israeli military fired several 120mm mortar rounds in the "immediate vicinity" of the school, killing between 30 and 40 people. Although Israel at the time insisted Hamas had fired mortars from within the school, the UN inquiry found this was untrue. It held Israel responsible for the attack.
Interview with George Galloway, British MP leading the Viva Palestina aid convoy to Gaza.
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- Written by Democracy Now Democracy Now
- Published: 07 January 2010 07 January 2010
- Hits: 3743 3743
JUAN GONZALEZ: A humanitarian aid convoy carrying food and medical supplies has arrived in Gaza nearly a month after it embarked from Britain. Members of the Viva Palestina convoy began passing through Egypt’s Rafah border crossing into Gaza on Wednesday. They’re expected to spend the next forty-eight hours distributing the aid supplies.
The convoy was delayed by more than a week
following a dispute with the Egyptian government. Hours before the
convoy’s entry into Gaza yesterday, an Egyptian soldier was shot dead
during a clash with Palestinian protesters who had gathered along the
border to protest the delay. At least thirty-five Palestinians were
wounded. On Tuesday, Egyptian forces clashed with members of the Viva
Palestina convoy, wounding more than fifty.
AMY GOODMAN: Egypt and Israel have been maintaining a strict blockade on Gaza since 2007, allowing only the most basic supplies to get through. Viva Palestina’s arrival in Gaza comes a year after the three-week Israeli assault that killed over 1,300 Palestinians.
British parliamentarian George Galloway led the Viva Palestina
convoy. He joins us now on the phone right now from Gaza.
Welcome to Democracy Now!
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Thank you. Good morning.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you tell us what happened? We hear a number
of people in your convoy were beaten up, were hurt, some hospitalized.
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Yes, fifty-five, in fact, were injured,
some of them quite severely. Ten of them had to go to hospital. All of
them entered Gaza with us, but we have a collection of broken heads and
plaster casts and bloodied faces and clothes.
It’s quite a testimony to the role that the government of Egypt
is playing in this siege that you have just admirably described. It was
entirely unprovoked. It was an attack on unarmed civilian people. And
it was very frightening and brutal. And, of course, it was of a piece
with the way that the Gaza Freedom Marchers were treated in the center
of Cairo in the middle of the tourist season just days before.
JUAN GONZALEZ: What kind of coverage did that attack
receive in the Egyptian media? And did it have any impact on the
government’s decision to then let the convoy pass?
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, the good news is that nobody
watches the Egyptian media in Egypt. All of them watch the pan-Arabic
stations like Al Jazeera, satellite stations, which have broken the
censorship walls of the dictatorships in the Arab world. And so,
everybody in Egypt knows what happened in that little port of Al-Arish,
and the vast majority of them, I’m sure, completely disapprove of it,
indeed denounce it.
The Egyptian people are entirely behind the Palestinians under
siege. Unfortunately, they are ill-served by a government that is
playing a quite despicable role, actually, just few yards from where I
am now. The Egyptians are building what we call the wall of shame,
which is being done in conjunction with the United States military, to
try and choke off the tunnels, which are the only other means of
bringing life into Gaza, in which sheep and chickens and petrol and gas
and the other means of staying alive, other than medicine—because if I
may correct something you did say in the introduction, you said we were
bringing food and medicine, but we were only bringing medicine, because
food is actually not allowed to come through the Rafah gate from Egypt
into Gaza. Food must pass through the Israeli lines, because, of
course, they say they are concerned about the safety of the food. They
don’t want to cause any food poisoning in Gaza, you understand.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you describe the condition of Gaza? It’s
been a year since the Israeli assault. You were there last year also
trying to bring in aid.
GEORGE GALLOWAY: It’s desperate. If I give you a tiny
example only to give you an example, I’m here in quite a nice hotel,
except there is no food in the hotel. There’s no food for breakfast,
there’s no food for lunch. Now I make that point only to illustrate
that if there’s no food in the best hotel in Gaza, imagine what the
people are suffering. I’ve watched with my own eyes Palestinian women
and girls in the early morning mists on top of garbage heaps, combing
through the garbage heaps looking for food. In an Arab Muslim country
in 2009 and ’10, it’s a absolutely scandalous situation.
And, Amy, remember why and how it came about. It’s been imposed
by men. It’s not a natural disaster. It’s been imposed by men to punish
the people of Palestine for voting for a party in a free election that
the big powers, including yours and mine and Israel, don’t like. Now, I
myself would not have voted for them; I’m not a Hamas supporter. But
the only people entitled to choose the leadership of the Palestinians
are the Palestinians themselves.
AMY GOODMAN: Have you been meeting—as a British member of
Parliament, did you meet with any Egyptian leaders? And is there an
explanation of why the Gaza Freedom March was kept out—they allowed in
about a hundred people, but many refused under those conditions—and why
the Egyptian government is stopping these peace activists from entering
Gaza?
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, I’m glad to say that at every
stage we insisted on all of our convoy entering Gaza, and we refused to
leave Al-Arish without our prisoners, six people who were being held
prisoner by the Egyptian government’s forces. And we refused to accept
the exclusion from Egypt of some of our convoy members, all of whom
were initially excluded, but all, in the end, were let in and are with
me in Gaza. So, in terms of solidarity, I’m proud of what we have
achieved.
No, there’s no explanation from the Egyptian regime at all. How
could there be, in a way? How do you explain to anyone that Egypt, once
the heart of the Arab world, is now playing a part in building an iron
wall of shame around a suffering people who are being effectively
starved, they hope, into surrender, but if not into surrender, then
into death?
JUAN GONZALEZ: And George Galloway, your sense of how the
Palestinian leadership is regarding the policies of the United States?
Now we’re a year into the Obama administration. He’s, on the one hand,
attempted to reach out to the Arab world in a way the Bush
administration never did, but in terms of Palestine and the conflict
with Israel, there doesn’t seem to be a whole lot of change.
GEORGE GALLOWAY: Well, I must tell you, Juan, as someone
who, myself, on my radio shows and TV shows and so on, campaigned for
the election of Barack Obama, tried very hard to persuade people on the
left that they were making a kind of utopian mistake in not supporting
Obama, there is a tremendous bitter disappointment here in Palestine,
and indeed wider than that, at the role that President Obama is
currently playing, or rather not playing. His speech in Cairo was a
wonderful piece of work. It was mesmerizing. It transfixed the Arab
public opinion, that finally, after the Bush years, we had some hope.
But in practice, his policy—and one assumes Hillary Clinton is carrying
out his policy—is exactly the same as the policy of the Bushites
towards the people here. And there’s bitter, bitter disappointment
about that.
AMY GOODMAN: George Galloway, we want to thank you very much for being with us, a British MP leading the Viva Palestina aid convoy. Their whole convoy did get into Gaza through Egypt, though through a great deal of conflict, with a number of the delegation beaten up.
Aid convoy breaks Gaza siege
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- Written by Al Jazeera Al Jazeera
- Published: 07 January 2010 07 January 2010
- Hits: 3749 3749
A humanitarian aid convoy carrying food and medical supplies has arrived in the Gaza Strip nearly a month after it embarked from the UK.
Members of the much-delayed Viva Palestina convoy began passing through Egypt's Rafah border crossing into Gaza on Wednesday, waving Palestinian flags and raising their hands in peace signs.
Al Jazeera's Ayman Mohyeldin, reporting from Gaza, said the first wave of vehicles was greeted by Gaza's Hamas leaders as well as members of a Turkish humanitarian organisation that aided in bringing the convoy to the strip.
"We had been expecting the arrival of the convoy amid much fanfare but it almost caught the Palestinians here by surprise," he said.
"The doors suddenly flung open and within minutes the first batch of about 12 or so vehicles made their way from the Egyptian side to the Palestinians."
More than 100 vehicles followed the first batch into Gaza shortly afterward, he said.
Violent clashes
Participants of the convoy are expected to spend the next 48 hours distributing the aid supplies.
Viva Palestina's arrival in Gaza followed violent clashes between Egyptian security forces, Palestinians and members of the convoy.
In depth
'Fighting to break Gaza siege'
Egypt blocks US activists' march
Viva Palestina's bumpy road
Video: Gaza aid held up in Jordan
Hours before the convoy's arrival, an Egyptian soldier was shot dead during a clash with Palestinian protesters who had gathered along the border to protest a delay in the convoy's arrival.
Egyptian forces opened fire to disperse the stone-throwing protesters, and at least 35 Palestinians were wounded in the ensuing clash, according to Hamas officials.
Late on Tuesday, more than 50 people were wounded during a clash between Egyptian authorities and international members of the convoy.
The protests were sparked by an Egyptian decision to allow 139 vehicles to enter Gaza through the Rafah crossing, but requiring a remaining 59 vehicles to pass via Israel.
Bitter disputes
The convoy, led by George Galloway, a British MP, had already been delayed by more than a week, after he and a delegation of Turkish MPs failed to persuade the Egyptians to change their mind.
The convoy of nearly 200 vehicles arrived in Egypt's port city of al-Arish on Monday after a dispute with Cairo on the route.
But the arrival came after a bitter dispute between its organisers and the government, which banned the convoy from entering Egypt's Sinai from Jordan by ferry, forcing it to drive north to the Syrian port of Lattakia.
Al Jazeera's Amr El Kahky, who has been travelling with the convoy, said Viva Palestina's organisers had hoped to reach Gaza by December 27.
"We're talking about an almost 10 day delay. The convoy members are happy to have reached their destination," he said.
"Many of them have taken time off from their jobs in Europe and other areas and that's why they're happy to deliver the aid and go back home to resume their normal lives. So their jubilation is justified."
Gaza blockade
Israel and Egypt have severely restricted travel to and from the Gaza Strip since Hamas seized power there in June 2007, after winning Palestinian legislative elections in 2006.
The blockade currently allows only very basic supplies into Gaza.
The siege has severely restricted essential supplies and placed Gazans in a dire situation, made worse by Israel's military assault last winter that reduced much of the territory to ruins.
Galloway, the convoy organiser, said the mission represents only "a drop in the ocean" as long as the siege on Gaza continues.
"No number of convoys is going to solve the problems here," he told Al Jazeera.
"So we're not only trying to bring in aid, we're trying to show the world there is a siege.
"If there is anyone who doubted there is a siege on Gaza, they certainly aren't doubting it now after the events of the last 31 days with this convoy."
Letter from an Israeli Prison . . .
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- Written by Abdallah Abu Rahmah Abdallah Abu Rahmah
- Published: 06 January 2010 06 January 2010
- Hits: 3738 3738
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This letter from Bil′in′s Abdallah Abu Rahmah was conveyed from his prison cell by his lawyers. Please circulate widely. January 1, 2010 To all our friends, I mark the beginning of the new decade imprisoned in a military detention camp. Nevertheless, from within the occupation′s holding cell I meet the New Year with determination and hope. I know that Israel's military campaign to imprison the leadership of the Palestinian popular struggle shows that our non-violent struggle is effective. The occupation is threatened by our growing movement and is therefore trying to shut us down. What Israel′s leaders do not understand is that popular struggle cannot be stopped by our imprisonment. Whether we are confined in the open-air prison that Gaza has been transformed into, in military prisons in the West Bank, or in our own villages surrounded by the Apartheid Wall, arrests and persecution do not weaken us. They only strengthen our commitment to turning 2010 into a year of liberation through unarmed grassroots resistance to the Occupation. The price I and many others pay in freedom does not deter us. I wish that my two young daughters and baby son would not have to pay this price together with me. But for my son and daughters, for their future, we must continue our struggle for freedom. This year, the Popular Struggle Coordination Committee will expand on the achievements of 2009, a year in which you amplified our popular demonstrations in Palestine with international boycott campaigns and international legal actions under universal jurisdiction. In my village, Bil'in, Israeli tycoon, Lev Leviev and Africa-Israel, the corporation he controls, are implicated in illegal construction of settlements on our stolen land, as well as the lands of many other Palestinian villages and cities. Adalah-NY is leading an international campaign to show Leviev that war crimes have their price. Our village has sued two Canadian companies for their role in the construction and marketing of new settlement units on village land cut off by Israel's Apartheid Wall. The legal proceedings in this precedent-setting case began in the Canadian courts last summer and are ongoing. Bil'in has become the graveyard of Israeli real estate empires. One after another, these companies are approaching bankruptcy as the costs of building on stolen Palestinian land are driven higher than the profits. Unlike Israel, we have no nuclear weapons or army, but we do not need them. The justness of our cause earns us your support. No army, no prison and no wall can stop us. Yours, Abdallah Abu Rahmah |
This is not humane. We need dignity
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- Written by Sami Abdel-Shafi Sami Abdel-Shafi
- Published: 04 January 2010 04 January 2010
- Hits: 3648 3648
A year on from Operation Cast Lead, the Gaza blockade is preventing people from leading a minimally respectable civil life
On my way to visit a friend in the Abed Rabbo district, north of the Gaza Strip, the taxi driver handed me a small pack of biscuits for change. There are nearly no copper coins left here so cab drivers barter a half Israeli shekel for biscuits brought in from the tunnels between the southern city of Rafah and Egypt's northern Sinai. Some Gazans, who once earned a respectable living, resorted to melting coins and sold the copper for food supplies.
This was not the first time I was forced into arcane methods of barter. A few weeks ago I was told that oil filters for our British-made electricity generator could only be brought in through the tunnels. One alternative was to fit a refurbished car-engine filter to the generator.
We had wood-fired coffee next to the rubble of my friend's family's former homes – all levelled during Israel's three-week war on Gaza that started one year ago. His only source of income, a taxi, was crushed by Israeli tanks during the assault. He agonises about how his children no longer respect him as their father. He is unable to provide them with the security of a house and an independent family life; they lost everything.
The family is spread around relatives' homes. But the family's old man just moved into a 60sq m house built from mud and brick, standing next to the rubble of his 400sq m three-story house for which he saved for a lifetime. It was one of the first the UN Relief and Works Agency built after having seemingly lost hope in any Israeli intention to allow construction materials into Gaza. My friend's daughter earns the highest grades in her class and is eyeing a scholarship for one of the universities in Gaza when she leaves high school. But this young woman's resilience and motivation will go nowhere as long as Gaza is blockaded.
Almost nothing has been more deceitful than casting Gaza as a humanitarian case. This is becoming exponentially more problematic a year after the war. Gaza urgently needs far more than merely those items judged by the Israeli military as adequate to satisfy Gaza's humanitarian needs. This list of allowable items is tiny compared to people's needs for a minimally respectable civil life.
Gaza is not treated humanely; the immediate concerns about the situation have clearly given way to long-term complacency, while failed politics has now become stagnant. The humanitarian classification conceals the urgent need to address this. Moreover, many in the international community have conveniently resorted to blaming Palestinians for their political divisions, as though they were unrelated to Israel's policies – most notably Gaza's closure after Israeli disengagement in 2005.
It seems evident that most officials in the US, UK and other powerful nations in Europe and the Middle East do not – or perhaps cannot – pressure Israel to reverse its policy of forcing Palestinians into eternal statelessness. How Palestinians are forced into degrading living standards in Gaza, and how they have no means to repel the ongoing demolition and confiscation of property and land in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, is abhorrent. How Palestinians are still divided despite the increased suffering of their people is no less abhorrent. However, no one should fool themselves into believing that their reconciliation would alter Israel's policy.
The international community must surely adopt a new approach – where it would not be seen as acquiescent to Israel's policies. If the current policy continues then, at least, let it not be at the expense of Palestinian self-respect. Palestinians are a dignified people, as competitive and civilised as any other people in the world. It is far too humiliating for Palestinians to endure not only being occupied but to be made beggars
For years it has been impossible not to suspect that Israel does not want peace. Of late, the US-backed state has consistently created impossible conditions for fair and equal negotiations with the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, and it continues to undermine moderate voices and drive people towards extremism in Gaza. The fact that Palestinians still genuinely want peace should not allow Israel to reject the simplest rules of civility. The US and the EU should come to Gaza; then they could draw their own conclusions on an Israeli policy they have backed and funded without ever witnessing its consequences on ordinary civilians' lives. Surely then they could not fail to see that changing their policy is a moral imperative.
