The Israeli Military Hands Out Demolition Orders To Palestinians In The Jordan Valley
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- Written by Ghassan Bannoura - IMEMC News & Agencies Ghassan Bannoura - IMEMC News & Agencies
- Published: 23 December 2009 23 December 2009
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On Tuesday, Israeli troops handed out demolition orders targeting
buildings belonging to Palestinian farmers from different areas in the
Jordan valley.
According to the military, the farmers were building close to Israeli settlements and military bases, which were built originally on lands illegally taken from those farmers.
Over the last several years, Israeli authorities have launched a massive campaign to rid the eastern part of the Jordan Valley (the most fertile land in the West Bank) of its Palestinian inhabitants.
Military basis and settlements have sprung up in isolated areas in the Jordan Valley far from any other Israeli built-up area, but strategically located to encircle the entire West Bank.
Due to the fact that the Jordan Valley borders the Jordan River, which is the eastern border of the West Bank, local residents fear that the ongoing takeover of the area by Israeli forces and settlers will further isolate the indigenous Palestinian population into isolated enclaves totally isolated from the rest of the West Bank and the anticipated Palestinian state.
World 'failed Gaza over blockade'
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- Written by Tim Franks, BBC News, Jerusalem Tim Franks, BBC News, Jerusalem
- Published: 23 December 2009 23 December 2009
- Hits: 3334 3334
The charities made the accusation in a report published just ahead of the anniversary of Israel's offensive in the Gaza Strip.
The aid agencies condemn not just Israel, but the world community.
In the words of Oxfam's director, Jeremy Hobbs, "world powers have failed and betrayed Gaza's ordinary citizens".
The charities call for more pressure to be exerted on Israel to end what they describe as its illegal collective punishment of Gazans.
Breaking Palestine's peaceful protest
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- Written by Neve Gordon Neve Gordon
- Published: 23 December 2009 23 December 2009
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Palestinians have a long history of nonviolent resistance but Israel has continuously deployed methods to destroy it
"Why," I have often been asked, "haven't the Palestinians established a peace movement like the Israeli Peace Now?"
The question itself is problematic, being based on many erroneous assumptions, such as the notion that there is symmetry between the two sides and that Peace Now has been a politically effective movement. Most important, though, is the false supposition that Palestinians have indeed failed to create a pro-peace popular movement.
In September 1967 – three months after the decisive war in which the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem were occupied – Palestinian leaders decided to launch a campaign against the introduction of new Israeli textbooks in Palestinian schools. They did not initiate terrorist attacks, as the prevailing narratives about Palestinian opposition would have one believe, but rather the Palestinian dissidents adopted Mahatma Gandhi-style methods and declared a general school strike: teachers did not show up for work, children took to the streets to protest against the occupation and many shopkeepers closed shop.
Israel's response to that first strike was immediate and severe: it issued military orders categorising all forms of resistance as insurgency – including protests and political meetings, raising flags or other national symbols, publishing or distributing articles or pictures with political connotations, and even singing or listening to nationalist songs.
Moreover, it quickly deployed security forces to suppress opposition, launching a punitive campaign in Nablus, where the strike's leaders resided. As Major General Shlomo Gazit, the co-ordinator of activities in the occupied territories at the time, points out in his book The Carrot and the Stick, the message Israel wanted to convey was clear: any act of resistance would result in a disproportionate response, which would make the population suffer to such a degree that resistance would appear pointless.
After a few weeks of nightly curfews, cutting off telephone lines, detaining leaders, and increasing the level of harassment, Israel managed to break the strike.
While much water has passed under the bridge since that first attempt to resist using "civil disobedience" tactics, over the past five decades Palestinians have continuously deployed nonviolent forms of opposition to challenge the occupation. Israel, on the other hand, has, used violent measures to undermine all such efforts.
It is often forgotten that even the second intifada, which turned out to be extremely violent, began as a popular nonviolent uprising. Haaretz journalist Akiva Eldar revealed several years later that the top Israeli security echelons had decided to "fan the flames" during the uprising's first weeks. He cites Amos Malka, the military general in charge of intelligence at the time, saying that during the second intifada's first month, when it was still mostly characterised by nonviolent popular protests, the military fired 1.3m bullets in the West Bank and Gaza. The idea was to intensify the levels of violence, thinking that this would lead to a swift and decisive military victory and the successful suppression of the rebellion. And indeed the uprising and its suppression turned out to be extremely violent.
But over the past five years, Palestinians from scores of villages and towns such as Bil'in and Jayyous have developed new forms of pro-peace resistance that have attracted the attention of the international community. Even Palestinian Authority prime minister Salam Fayyad recently called on his constituents to adopt similar strategies. Israel, in turn, decided to find a way to end the protests once and for all and has begun a well-orchestrated campaign that targets the local leaders of such resistance.
One such leader is Abdallah Abu Rahmah, a high school teacher and the co-ordinator of Bil'in's Popular Committee Against the Wall, is one of many Palestinians who was on the military's wanted list. At 2am on 10 December (international Human Rights Day), nine military vehicles surrounded his home. Israeli soldiers broke the door down, and after allowing him to say goodbye to his wife Majida and three young children, blindfolded him and took him into custody. He is being charged with throwing stones, the possession of arms (namely gas canisters in the Bil'in museum) and inciting fellow Palestinians, which, translated, means organising demonstrations against the occupation.
The day before Abu Ramah was arrested, the Israeli military carried out a co-ordinated operation in the Nablus region, raiding houses of targeted grassroots activists who have been fighting against human rights abuses. Wa'el al-Faqeeh Abu as-Sabe, 45, is one of the nine people arrested. He was taken from his home at 1am and, like Abu Ramah, is being charged with incitement. Mayasar Itiany, who is known for her work with the Nablus Women's Union and is a campaigner for prisoners' rights was also taken into custody as was Mussa Salama, who is active in the Labour Committee of Medical Relief for Workers. Even Jamal Juma, the director of an NGO called Stop the Wall, is now behind bars.
Targeted night arrests of community leaders have become common practice across the West Bank, most notably in the village of Bil'in where, since June, 31 residents have been arrested for their involvement in the demonstrations against the wall. Among these is Adeeb Abu Rahmah, a prominent activist who has been held in detention for almost five months and is under threat of being imprisoned for up to 14 months.
Clearly, the strategy is to arrest all of the leaders and charge them with incitement, thus setting an extremely high "price tag" for organising protests against the subjugation of the Palestinian people. The objective is to put an end to the pro-peace popular resistance in the villages and to crush, once and for all, the Palestinian peace movement.
Thus, my answer to those who ask about a Palestinian "Peace Now" is that a peaceful grassroots movement has always existed. At Abdallah Abu Rahmah's trial next Tuesday one will be able to witness some of the legal methods that have consistently been deployed to destroy it.
The international community has betrayed the people of Gaza
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- Written by Amnesty International Amnesty International
- Published: 22 December 2009 22 December 2009
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Gaza's civilians still unable to rebuild one year after 'Operation Cast Lead'
Posted: 22 December 2009
- New report accuses international community of 'betrayal'
- Only 41 truckloads of construction materials allowed to enter since January
- Homes, schools, hospitals and water networks cannot be rebuilt
The international community has betrayed the people of Gaza by failing to back their words with effective action to secure the ending of the Israeli blockade which is preventing reconstruction and recovery, say a group of 16 leading humanitarian and human rights groups in a new report released today (22 December) ahead of the anniversary of the start of Israel's military offensive in Gaza (27 December-18 January).
The Israeli authorities have allowed only 41 truckloads of all construction materials into Gaza since the end of the offensive in mid-January, warn the groups, which include Amnesty International, CAFOD, Christian Aid, Medical Aid for Palestinians, Mercy Corps and Oxfam International. The task of rebuilding and repairing thousands of homes alone will require thousands of truckloads of building materials, they add.
Little of the extensive damage the offensive caused to homes, civilian infrastructure, public services, farms and businesses has been repaired because the civilian population, and the UN and aid agencies who help them, are prohibited from importing materials like cement and glass in all but a handful of cases, says the report.
Oxfam International Executive Director Jeremy Hobbs said:
"It is not only Israel that has failed the people of Gaza with a blockade that punishes everybody living there for the acts of a few. World powers have also failed and even betrayed Gaza's ordinary citizens. They have wrung hands and issued statements, but have taken little meaningful action to attempt to change the damaging policy that prevents reconstruction, personal recovery and economic recuperation."
"Hamas and other Palestinian armed groups, too, must maintain their current de facto cessation of violence and permanently cease all indiscriminate firing of rockets into Israel from Gaza. And all the Palestinian factions also need to intensify their reconciliation dialogue to pave the way for a reunified Palestinian government able to effectively provide for the needs of its civilian population."
The effect of the construction materials ban goes much wider, say the authors of the report. They say the blockade has also led to frequent power, gas and water shortages, seriously affecting daily life and public health. Parts of the Gaza electricity network were bombed during the conflict and require urgent repairs, which have still not been allowed to proceed almost one year after the conflict. This, combined with Israel continuing to restrict the supply of industrial fuel into Gaza, means that 90% of people in Gaza suffer power cuts of four to eight hours a day.
Power cuts also cause daily interruptions to water supply, as does the inability to repair water pipes, roof top water tanks and household connectors, because materials and spare parts are not deemed essential humanitarian supplies by Israel and so are prevented entry under the blockade. With the loss of pressure in the pipes, polluted water from the ground contaminates the supply. Together with chronic disrepair to the sewage system, poor water quality is a major concern for aid agencies in Gaza, with diarrhoea causing 12% of young deaths.
The blockade, which began in June 2007 after Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip, has sharply increased poverty, helping make eight out of 10 people dependent on some form of aid. Businesses and farms have been forced to close and lay off workers. An almost complete ban on exports has hit farmers hard, compounded by the offensive which wrecked 17% of farmland together with greenhouses and irrigation equipment, and left a further 30% unusable in no-go 'buffer zones' expanded by the Israeli military after the end of the offensive.
Amnesty International UK Director Kate Allen said:
"The wretched reality endured by 1.5 million people in Gaza should appal anybody with an ounce of humanity. Sick, traumatised and impoverished people are being collectively punished by a cruel, illegal policy imposed by the Israeli authorities.
"Israel's responsibility to protect its citizens does not give it the right to punish every man, woman and child of Gaza. All states are obliged under international law to intervene to put an end to this brutal blockade but their leaders are failing in this fundamental measure of their own humanity. All states must insist that the Israeli government end its blockade and let the people of Gaza rebuild their shattered lives."
The report argues that, while Israel has a duty to protect its citizens, the measures it takes must conform to international humanitarian and human rights law. By enforcing its blockade on Gaza, Israel is violating the prohibition on collective punishment in international humanitarian law, it says. In the report the groups call on Israel to end the blockade. But they also say, 'the people of Gaza have been betrayed by the international community which can and must do far more to end this illegal and inhumane blockade'. They urge the EU, for example, to take immediate and concerted action to secure the lifting of the blockade of Gaza so that the close of Spain's six-month presidency of the EU in June 2010 does not also mark the third anniversary of the blockade being imposed.
The report's authors also call on European foreign ministers and the EU's new High Representative for Foreign Affairs Catherine Ashton to visit Gaza to see for themselves the impact of the blockade on its people. Securing an immediate opening of the Gaza crossings for building materials to repair ruined homes and civilian infrastructure as winter sets in would be an important step towards an end to the blockade, say the organisations.
Christian Aid Head of Middle East Region Janet Symes said:
"Expressions of disapproval over the blockade of Gaza by the international community are no longer enough. It is time to allow the people of Gaza to pick up the shattered pieces of their lives and rebuild. There must be no more excuses from the international community."
Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti speaks from prison
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- Written by CNN CNN
- Published: 21 December 2009 21 December 2009
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Palestinian leader speaks from prison
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Marwan Barghouti is in an Israeli jail but is also key to political progress
He says Israel has no figure willing to be a partner with Palestinians
He hopes to be released as part of a prisoner exchange for an Israeli soldier
He was jailed for murder charges relating to attacks in the second Intifada
Jerusalem (CNN) -- One of the key players in Palestinian politics and therefore in any future peace talks with Israel has spoken to CNN from his Israeli prison cell. Marwan Barghouti is serving five life sentences following his conviction in an Israeli court on murder and other charges related to his role in planning attacks on Israelis during the second Intifada.
He is considered by many Palestinians to be the most important prisoner who might be released in a deal for captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit.
For many Palestinians he is the only political successor to Mahmoud Abbas who recently announced that he would not be seeking re-election for the office of President of the Palestinian Authority.
Barghouti is a member of the central committee of Fatah, and a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council. From Hadarim prison he answered CNN's questions through his lawyer, Khader Shkirat.
Will you run for president in upcoming elections? What makes you a good candidate for president?
When there is a permanent date for the presidential and legislative elections, and when national reconciliation has been achieved, and when we are capable of holding elections in the West Bank, Gaza and Jerusalem, then I will take the appropriate decision. I am proud in obtaining the popular support from the Palestinian people in and outside of the country, and also getting on the most votes in the polls that have been conducted along these years.
Some of the media have you described you as a "Palestinian Nelson Mandela." Can you ever hope to satisfy these incredibly high expectations?
I highly respect the experience and resistance of the great African leader Mandela, who led his people to independence and freedom. I wish to be able to contribute in achieving freedom and independence for the Palestinian people. Mandela succeeded because he found a partner like de Klerk, but in Israel there is no de Gaulle that ended the French colonization of Algeria and also there is no de Klerk that ended the Apartheid regime.
Have you changed at all during your years in prison? Have your political views and approach to politics changed?
Prison is a very harsh and bitter place especially since I spent most of my time in solitary confinement then in group confinement, but my political views have not changed. I believe in a two-state solution living side by side in peace and security, and I consider that the key to peace between Israelis and Palestinians is the end of the Israeli occupation and the withdrawal to 1967 borders.
In the past, you criticized the Palestinian Authority for corruption. Do you think the Palestinian Authority needs change and reform and a period of leadership under younger politicians like yourself?
The Palestinian Authority has come a long way in fighting and reforming corruption, but this is not enough. The Palestinian Authority needs to do more. It is unfortunate and sad that there have not been any sentences or charges against any of those corrupt officials until now. We are in need now to reinstate a transparent and independent justice system, and to establish rule of law and the cessation of human rights abuses, and strengthening the individual freedoms, the freedom of the press and fostering political pluralism.
How would you resolve the conflict between Fatah and Hamas?
During my time in prison brothers from various parties and I were able to draft a prisoners document which became the framework for a national unity document that all 13 Palestinian parties signed on June 27, 2006. It is the first document in the history of Palestinian parties, that the PLO, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad participated in and agreed on a state with 1967 borders, and accepted the PLO and the president of the Palestinian Authority to negotiate in the name of Palestinians, and accepted the call for a national unity government. The conflict will be resolved by referring back to this document and with the signature of all [parties] on the Egyptian national reconciliation document, and by resorting to presidential and legislative elections, and by respecting the law and ending internal strife and through the reestablishment of a national unity government.
Your approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been described as one of "resistance and negotiation." What kind of resistance does this mean? Bombs? Rock-throwing? Civil disobedience? Sit-ins and marches?
All freedom movements negotiated and resisted, and what I mean by resistance is the one that is permitted under international law and has international legitimacy.
At this stage the political, diplomatic and negotiating approach, in addition to the popular peaceful resistance, is an acceptable matter in keeping with the existing conditions. It is the right of the Palestinian people to resist the Israeli military and settlement occupation which the International Court of Justice at The Hague has approved in addition to international law, the United Nations charter, and all religions.
Do you think there is any hope for your release in a prisoner exchange any time soon?
I am part of the list that Hamas is negotiating over, and I have high hopes and expectations to be released in this deal.
How do you feel when Israel trades up to 1,000 Palestinian prisoners for just one Israeli soldier?
Israel is holding inside its prisons and detention facilities more than 10,000 Palestinian prisoners, some of whom have spent more than 32 years of their life inside prisons. Also, Israel detains hundreds of prisoners without trial or charges or anything. Israel is an occupying country that uses oppression and aggression against the Palestinians for decades. It confiscates land, builds illegal settlements, kills and assassinates, and arrests close to 500 Palestinians on a monthly basis, establishes and erects military checkpoints, besieges the Gaza strip. The Palestinians have one soldier to return for 10,000 prisoners, so it is natural to request the largest possible number. For Israel the soldier is the army, and the army means the state. So the deal will release 100 percent of Israelis in return for 10 percent of the Palestinian prisoners.
Israeli politicians have been visiting you in prison. Why are they coming to you? What do they ask you about?
Not one single Israeli official has met with me since my kidnapping in April 2002, only a certain number of Israeli Knesset members have visited me. Most of them conduct many visits to prisons and meet with a number of prisoners. Most of the time the conversations are on developments in the political situation, and about the practices of the Israeli occupation. They listened to my point-of-view in which I have always maintained that the first day of peace between the Palestinians and the Israelis is the last day in the life of the occupation. And the two-state solution is the solution most capable of life even though it is becoming more difficult as time passes.
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http://www.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/meast/12/10/palestinian.qa/index.html#cnnSTCText